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We have demonstrated with
documentary evidence
a number of critical associations between Wall Street
international bankers and the rise of Hitler and Naziism in Germany.

First: that Wall Street financed
the German cartels in the mid-1920s which in turn proceeded to bring Hitler to

Second: that the financing for
Hitler and his S.S. street thugs came in part from affiliates or subsidiaries of
U.S. firms, including Henry Ford in 1922, payments by I.G. Farben and General
Electric in 1933, followed by the Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T.

subsidiary payments to Heinrich Himmler up to 1944.

Third: that U.S. multi-nationals
under the control of Wall Street profited handsomely from Hitler's military
construction program in the 1930s and at least until 1942.

Fourth: that these same
international bankers used political influence in the U.S. to cover up their
wartime collaboration and to do this infiltrated the U.S. Control Commission for

Our evidence for these four major
assertions can be summarized as follows:

In Chapter One we presented
evidence that the Dawes and Young Plans for German reparations were formulated
by Wall Streeters, temporarily wearing the hats of statesmen, and these loans
generated a rain of profits for these international bankers. Owen Young of
General Electric, Hjalmar Schacht, A. Voegler, and others intimately connected
with Hitler's accession to power had earlier been the negotiators for the U.S.
and German sides, respectively
. Three Wall Street houses — Dillon, Read; Harris,
Forbes; and, National City Company — handled three-quarters of the reparations
loans used to create the German cartel system
including the dominant I.G.
Farben and Vereinigte Stahlwerke, which together produced 95 percent of the
explosives for the Nazi side in World War II.

The central role of I.G. Farben in
Hitler's coup d' état was reviewed in Chapter Two. The directors of
American I.G. (Farben) were identified as prominent American businessmen: Walter
Teagle, a dose Roosevelt associate and backer and an NRA administrator;
Paul Warburg (his brother Max Warburg was on the board of I.G. Farben in
Germany); and Edsel Ford. Farben contributed 400,000 RM directly to Schacht and
Hess for use in the crucial 1933 elections and Farben was subsequently in the
forefront of military development in Nazi Germany

A donation of 60,000 RM was made
to Hitler by German General Electric (A.E.G.), which had four directors and a
25-30 percent interest held by the U.S. General Electric parent company. This
role was described in Chapter Three, and we found that Gerard Swope, an
originator of Roosevelt's New Deal (its National Recovery Administration
segment), together with Owen Young of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and
Clark Minor of International General Electric, were the dominant Wall Streeters
in A.E.G. and the most significant single influence.

We also found no evidence to
indict the German electrical firm Siemens, which was not under Wall
Street control. In contrast, there is documentary evidence that both
A.E.G. and
Osram, the other units of the German electrical industry — both of which had
U.S. participation and control — did finance Hitler. In fact, almost all
directors of German General Electric were Hitler backers
either directly
through A.E.G. or indirectly through other German firms, G.E. rounded out its
Hitler support by technical cooperation with Krupp, aimed at restricting U.S.
development of tungsten carbide, which worked to the detriment of the U.S. in
World War II. We concluded that A.E.G. plants in Germany managed, by a yet
unknown maneuver, to avoid bombing by the Allies.

An examination of the role of
Standard Oil of New Jersey (which was and is controlled by the Rockefeller
interests) was undertaken in Chapter Four. Standard Oil apparently did not
finance Hitler's accession to power in 1933 (that part of the "myth of Sidney
Warburg" is not proven). On the other hand, payments were made up to 1944 by
Standard Oil of New Jersey, to develop synthetic gasoline for war purposes on
behalf of the Nazis
through its wholly owned subsidiary, to Heinrich
Himmler's S.S. Circle of Friends for political purposes. Standard Oil's role was
technical aid to Nazi development of synthetic rubber and gasoline through a
U.S. research company under the management control of Standard Oil. The Ethyl
Gasoline Company, jointly owned by Standard Oil of New Jersey and General
Motors, was instrumental in supplying vital ethyl lead to Nazi Germany — over
the written protests of the U.S. War Department — with the clear knowledge that the ethyl lead was
for Nazi military purposes.

In Chapter Five we demonstrated
that International Telephone and Telegraph Company, one of the more notorious
multi-nationals, worked both sides of World War II through Baron Kurt von
Schroder, of the Schroder banking group. I.T.T. also held a 28-percent interest
in Focke-Wolfe aircraft, which manufactured excellent German fighter planes. We
also found that
Texaco (Texas Oil Company) was involved in Nazi endeavors
through German attorney Westrick,
but dropped its chairman of the board Rieber
when these endeavors were publicized.

Henry Ford was an early (1922)
Hitler backer and Edsel Ford continued the family tradition in 1942 by
encouraging French Ford to profit from arming the German Wehrmacht,
Subsequently, these Ford-produced vehicles were used against American soldiers
as they landed in France in 1944. For his early recognition of, and timely
assistance to, the Nazis, Henry Ford received a Nazi medal in 1938. The records
of French Ford suggest Ford Motor received kid glove treatment from the Nazis
after 1940.

The provable threads of Hitler
financing are drawn together in Chapter Seven and answer with precise names and
figures the question,
who financed Adolf Hitler? This chapter indicts Wall
and, incidentally, no one else of consequence in the United States except
the Ford family
The Ford family is not normally associated with Wall Street but
is certainly a part of the "power elite."

In earlier chapters we cited
several Roosevelt associates, including Teagle of Standard Oil, the Warburg
family, and Gerard Swope. In Chapter Eight the role of Putzi Hanfstaengl,
another Roosevelt friend and a participant in the Reichstag fire, is traced. The
composition of the Nazi inner circle during World War II, and the financial
contributions of Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T. subsidiaries, are traced
in Chapter Nine. Documentary proof of these monetary contributions is presented.
Kurt yon Schrader is identified as the key intermediary in this S.S. "slush

Finally, in Chapter Ten we
reviewed a book suppressed in 1934 and the "myth of 'Sidney Warburg.'" The
suppressed book accused the Rockefellers, the Warburgs, and the major oil
companies of financing Hitler. While the name "Sidney Warburg" was no doubt an
invention, the extraordinary fact remains that the argument in the suppressed
"Sidney Warburg" book is remarkably close to the evidence presented now. It also
remains a puzzle why James Paul Warburg, fifteen years later, would want to
attempt, in a rather transparently slipshod manner, to refute the contents of
the "Warburg" book, a book he claims not to have seen. It is perhaps even more
of a puzzle why Warburg would choose Nazi von Papen's Memoirs as the
vehicle to present his refutation.

Finally, in Chapter Eleven we
examined the roles of the Morgan and Chase Banks in World War II, specifically
their collaboration with the Nazis in France while a major war was

In other words, as in our two
previous examinations of the links between New York international bankers and
major historical events, we find a provable pattern of subsidy and political manipulation.


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